Ost-, ostmittel- und südosteuropäische Prostituierte in West-, Mittel-, Nord- und Südeuropa seit den 1980er Jahren

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The Southern Gate to Fortress Europe

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The Difference Borders Make: (Il)legality, Migration and Trafficking in Italy among Eastern European Women in Prostitution

About the book: Uprootings/Regroundings: Questions of Home and Migration is a groundbreaking exploration of the parallel and entwined meanings of home and migration. Contributors draw on feminist and postcolonial theory to explore topics including Irish, Palestinian, and indigenous attachments to ‘soils of significance’; the making of and trafficking across European borders; the female body as a symbol of home or nation; and the shifting grounds of ‘queer’ migrations and ‘creole’ identities. This innovative analysis will open up avenues of research and inspire new debate

The case of Foxconn in Turkey: benefiting from free labour and anti-union policy

Starting from the 2000s Foxconn invested in Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, Russia and Turkey, implementing a territorial diversification strategy aimed at getting nearer to its end markets. This chapter investigates the development of Foxconn in Turkey where the multinational owns a plant with about 400 workers. A few kilometres from the city of \uc7orlu and close to highways, ports and international airports, the plant enables Foxconn to implement an efficient global supply chain. We illustrate this process by examining the company\u2019s localisation within a special economic zone, underlining the economic advantages derived from such a tax regime, bringing labour costs down to the Chinese level and obtaining proximity to European, North African and Middle East customers, thus lowering logistic costs. We also analyse the roles of labour flexibility and trade unions. In order to impose far-reaching flexibility on its workers Foxconn put in place a range of strategies, including an hours bank system, multitask operators and the recruitment of apprentices thanks a special programme funded by the state. We show how these have been crucial for Foxconn\u2019s just-in-time production contrasting its labour turnover problem. Finally, we highlight how the company has been able to implement a flexible working pattern, weaken the trade unions and undercut workers\u2019 opposition, thanks to favourable labour laws approved by successive governments in the past thirty years

Sex, slaves and citizens: the politics of anti-trafficking

“Bonded labourers”, “sex slaves”, “victims of organized crime”. Identified as victims of trafficking, these are the terms commonly used to describe migrant women and men in abusive labour relations/conditions in the UK. In this text we argue that the lack of definitional clarity and the constant slippage between “illegal immigration”, “forced prostitution”, and “trafficking” diverts attention from the role of the state in constructing poor work and vulnerable workers. In discussing trafficking in relation to the politics of sex, the politics of labour, and the politics of citizenship, we bring the state back into the analysis of trafficking, and show that the language of trafficking needs to be recognised as part of a more general attempt to depoliticise migration and struggles over citizenship

Lampedusa in focus: migrants caught between the Libyan desert and the deep sea

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How to Balance Rights and Responsibilities on Asylum at the EU's Southern Border of Italy and Libya

During the past year the temporary holding centre for irregular migrants in Lampedusa, Italy's southernmost island, has been repeatedly denounced for instances of procedural irregularities and alleged human rights violations. The degrading treatment of third-country nationals, the difficulty in gaining access to the asylum determination process and the large scale expulsions to Libya, brought Lampedusa to the attention of European and international institutions. The European Parliament, the European Court of Human Rights and the United Nations' Human Rights Committee all called on Italy to refrain from collective expulsions of asylum seekers and irregular migrants to Libya and to respect asylum seekers' right to international protection. Using the material provided by the Italian authorities, European institutions and the NGOs, this study presents an overview of events and policies implemented by the Italian and Libyan Governments, the European Union and the International Organization for Migration and outlines the contentions surrounding these policies. The paper argues that the implementation of the detention and return schemes, commonly discussed in terms of the externalization of asylum, does not actually relocate the asylum procedures outside the EU's external borders but rather deprives asylum seekers of the possibility of accessing asylum determination procedure. My analysis of migratory patterns in Libya further suggests that these policies, implemented to deter irregular migratory flows into Europe and combat smuggling in migrants, might paradoxically result in 'illegalizing' the movement of migrants between Libya and the neighbouring African states and in increasing the involvement of smuggling networks. The study ends by raising the issue of the political responsibility of all actors involved, whether they are Governments, supranational bodies or agencies, and putting forward policy recommendations for an effective EU framework for the protection of asylum seekers